Corruption, is broadly defined
across a spectrum – involving, but not limited to, bribes, illegal
payments, embezzlement and money laundering – or as the abuse of public
office for private gain. It distorts public finances, business
investment and entrenches poverty. An extensive study in 2015 by PwC, a
global consultancy, traced Nigeria’s low tax revenues of eight per cent
of GDP, the lowest among its peers, to the impact of inefficient
governance arising from corruption. Corruption, it said “allows for
government expenditure in vested interests rather than public interest,”
leading to poor infrastructure for businesses, education, health, water
supply and sanitation.
According to Transparency
International, corruption manifests as Grand Corruption, Petty
Corruption and Political Corruption that includes government acts that
distort policies, everyday abuse of entrusted power at all levels and
manipulation of rules and institutions in the allocation of resources to
sustain the wealth and power of a few. Recent revelations of how
officials and generals dispensed with all the rules to take money from
the central bank for personal enrichment present a worse picture than
the US Commerce Department’s advisory a decade ago that 40 per cent of
public procurement spending was creamed off. Under the Goodluck Jonathan
Presidency, corruption ballooned to a level seen only in failed states.
No wonder the country was ranked 57 out of 60 countries surveyed under
the Best Countries ranking of US News and World Report in 2015.
Yet, despite the palpable
stench of sleaze that has laid the country low, vested interests and an
uninformed segment of the populace are tugging at the war on corruption.
Buhari and the Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes
Commission, Ibrahim Magu, should not be deterred by the propaganda,
legal tricks and outright sabotage of detractors. Strict adherence to
due process and the rule of law is dear to this newspaper, but we are
yet to see any systemic violations so far in the ongoing investigations
and prosecutions. On the contrary, we are concerned at the determination
of highly politically exposed persons to continue to seek to manipulate
the judicial system, drag cases for interminable periods and evade
justice despite the Administration of Criminal Justice Act that aims to
fast-track trials. The Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar
Malami, and the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Mahmud Mohammed, owe posterity
a sacred duty to make it work.
One major plank of the
anti-graft war is still missing: identifying and rooting out corrupt
judges from the system. This is crucial to stopping the culture of
contradictory rulings, injunctions and the purchase of judgements as
alleged by eminent legal personalities such as the jurists, Kayode Eso
(now deceased) and Samson Uwaifo, and Senior Advocates of Nigeria, Afe
Babalola and Joseph Daudu.
The government’s information
machinery should be more robust to rally the people behind the war and
counter-accusations of anti-opposition bias in the prosecutions. The
propaganda that some ongoing prosecutions have snagged only opposition
party figures and their campaign funding is easily explained by the fact
that investigators are only following the trail of the missing $15.1
billion arms procurement funds and other misdeeds, and have not launched
an all-out probe of campaign funding. When you probe missing government
funds, it is the political party operators in power at that time that
need to explain, not the opposition that just replaced them in power.
Nigerians need to draw a line
between the overriding public interest and party, regional, religious
and ethnic solidarity. But for corruption, the fiscal buffers such as
the $22 billion that was once in the Excess Crude Account and the huge
sums earned from high oil prices between 2007 and mid-2014 would have
benefitted a greater number of Nigerians irrespective of any
affiliation. Today, combined unemployment is 24.1 per cent; less than 40
per cent of the population have access to potable water; poverty is
over 60 per cent; infrastructure is pitiable and corrupt interests are
alleged to be fuelling the new round of militancy and terrorism in the
oil-bearing Niger Delta region.
We align fully with this
commitment to probity and retribution for treasury looters. We are,
however, bothered by the intensity of the push-back from some segments
of the polity and their obtuse arguments, even as sensational details of
the massive looting that took place in the last few years come to
light. The government should forge ahead with its plan for special
courts to try corruption cases and quickly reform the Independent
Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission to match the
renewed enthusiasm at the EFCC. Transparency should be paramount and
there should be no sacred cows.
While we strongly urge Buhari
not to neglect the economy, security and social services, we support
fighting corruption as the cornerstone of his tenure. Nelson Mandela
made national reconciliation and forging a “rainbow” nation the focus of
his single four-year term as president to lay a solid foundation for a
new multi-racial South Africa emerging from centuries of mutual enmity.
Singapore’s Lee Yuan Kew had to slay the dragon of corruption to lead
the South-East Asian nation to the top of the global economic league
table. Without suppressing corruption, development will continue to
elude Nigeria and the objective of export diversification,
industrialisation, job creation and game-changing Foreign Direct
Investment will remain a pipe dream.
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